The website where Zimbabweans can write on what they expect the South African Government to do in trying to solve the Zimbabwean crisis. Send your contributions to: mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk and Rev M S Hove will post it for you! Also view www.dearmrrobertmugabe.blogspot.com, www.dearmrtonyblair.blogspot.com, www.zimgossiper.blogspot.com, www.radicalzim.blogspot.com etc. AMANDLA......AWETHU!


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Monday 30 April 2007

South Africa World Cup doubts grow!

 

http://soccerphile.blogspot.com/2007/04/south-africa-world-cup-doubts-grow.html
 
FIFA President Sepp Blatter has increased the doubts surrounding South Africa's ability to host the World Cup in three years' time by admitting the world governing body has back-up countries in place, should the hosts fail to be ready in time.

England, Spain, Japan and the USA are the reserve hosts, according to Blatter in an interview with the BBC, but only "a natural catastrophe" will derail the African World Cup. England and the USA have already announced their intention to bid for the 2018 finals.

Blatter openly backed the South African bid for both 2006 and 2010, and recently referred to it as "a moral obligation", mindful of the continent's votes which got him elected, but only last year he expressed concern that the construction of the ten new or renovated stadia was behind schedule.

CEO of the organising committee Danny Jordaan and South African President Thabo Mbeki both insisted in late 2006 that all was well and that their nation was ahead of Germany at a comparable stage before the finals, but despite the constant assurances, controversy continues to dog the South African hosting.

While the stadium construction issue remains, many observers are repeating concerns about the transport and hotel infrastructure and the perennial Achilles' heel of South Africa, crime.

For now, FIFA & South Africa are steaming ahead, and with Blatter having staked his presidency on an African bid since long ago, it would be a major surprise if South Africa didn't end up hosting the finals, despite all the fears.

Amongst the new arenas under construction is the rebuilt 104,000 capacity Soccer City stadium near Soweto, Johannesburg, venue for the final in 2010.

(c) Sean O'Conor & Soccerphile


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Sunday 29 April 2007

MBEKI SLAMMED FOR CONGRATULATING NIGERIAN ELECTION "WINNER".

Group slams Mbeki for greeting Yar'Adua

Kayode Akinmade, Lagos - 30.04.2007
 
 
Nigerians United for Democracy (NUD) has slammed South African President,Thabo Mbeki, for congratulating the President-elect, Alhaji Umaru Yar'Adua, saying Mbeki's action had helped to deepen the agony of Nigerians over alleged malpractices.
In a statement issued by the Chairman of its Publicity Committee, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, the group also criticised Ghana's President and current African Union Chairman, John Kufuor, for commending President Olusegun Obasanjo for organising "peaceful" elections in Nigeria.
It wondered why Mbeki chose to ignore the widely-publicised report of local and international observers that the elections that produced Yar'Adua were allegedly rigged.
"By his hasty congratulatory message, Mbeki has aligned with those who willfully thwarted the sovereign will of the Nigerians by stealing their votes, just like he has aligned with the oppressors of the Zimbabweans in South Africa," the group said.


 
 

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"FREE ZIM YOUTHS" STAND UP FOR THEIR COUNTRY!

Tight security around Zuma as Free-Zim youths demonstrate


 
 
 
27April 2007
By Lance Guma
 


Once beaten twice shy seems to have been the approach of South African officials at the High Commission in London after they blocked access to the building to youths from the radical pressure group Free-Zim Youths UK. The group had planned a demonstration against South Africa's Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Zuma over her recent statements that her country could not work magic in Zimbabwe. The youths also felt South Africa is largely sympathetic to the brutal regime of Robert Mugabe. The youths were forced instead to demonstrate outside the SA High Commission building, far from their intended target.
Zuma is in London to attend a 3-day regional consultative conference aimed at creating a partnership between the African continent and the African diaspora. On Wednesday she addressed the African Caribbean and Diaspora concert at her country's embassy. Free-Zim had planned to make their presence felt. Last year in September they embarrassed her by constantly interrupting her address on reforms for the United Nations at the London School of Economics. Free-Zim leader Alois Mbawara told us security officials were posted on all the gates and the youths were clearly on some form of black list and denied access.

He told Newsreel they were labeled 'gangsters' by those manning the gates and asked to leave the venue. Only the intervention of British police confirmed that the youths had permission to hold the demonstration. The youths say they want to ensure Zimbabwe is not foisted with a manufactured political settlement and they doubt Mbeki's ability to ensure a free and fair platform for elections in Zimbabwe. Worries have also been raised that millions of Zimbabweans in the diaspora are still not able to vote and the Ministry of Home Affairs is not issuing new identity cards to deliberately block newly qualified youths from voting. Particularly concerning to the youths is that abuses and torture of activists continue unabated in Zimbabwe while the South African government remains silent. - SW Radio Africa.
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MBEKI'S ROLE: A VERY CRITICAL ANALYSIS!

Read this and weep America...this comes from one of your reporters...
Peter Godwin in the NY Times
NY Times : Op-Ed Contributor

Showing Mugabe the Door
By PETER GODWIN
http://blog.360.yahoo.com/blog-vNYbyZs5fqjrZv7HM23TVKKeFY4vSOQ9FMaYeRimy0U-?cq=1&p=187
April 3, 2007

EVER since Zimbabwe began imploding in 2000, the conventional punditry about its president, Robert Mugabe, has largely been of the good-leader-turns-bad variety. Now, as the country's economy enters its death throes - hyperinflation at 1,700 percent and expected to exceed 5,000 percent by year's end; unemployment at 80 percent; the average person's purchasing power at 1953 levels; life expectancy the lowest in the world; an exodus of Africa's most educated population - it would seem a good time to
re-examine that orthodoxy and decide what the West can do to ease the dictator's departure.

In fact, Mr. Mugabe has been a completely consistent leader. It's we who have changed. During the cold war, we in the West were so grateful that this militant Marxist had instantly become a benign capitalist that we ignored his history of political violence within his own party, and intimidation at the 1980 elections that brought him to power upon Zimbabwe's independence. We supported him in the same way we supported venal leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire - our friends simply because they were not Moscow's.

The other parapet behind which Mr. Mugabe found
convenient shelter was apartheid, which persisted in his southern neighbor for the first 13 years of his
rule. As the leader of the so-called front-line states
facing a hostile white government in South Africa, he deserved our support, and we gave him the benefit of the doubt even after his hands were bloodied in his southern province of Matabeleland - where his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade killed as many as 25,000 civilians in 1983 and 1984.

It was a massacre I saw and reported on, but not a big story in news terms, and there was barely a peep out of the international community. Somehow, to attack Mr. Mugabe was to appear to be giving succor to white South Africa, and Zimbabwe's strongman was a master at
spinning it that way. (When I wrote about the
massacres, he immediately claimed I was a South
African spy and had me declared an enemy of the
state.)

Then things went quiet - but only because he'd
bludgeoned the opposition into quiescence and
established a one-party system. The next time
Zimbabweans had the temerity to question Mr. Mugabe's absolute rule was in 2000, when they voted against him in a referendum to extend his presidential term limits, a vote that in his complacency, he hadn't even bothered to rig. He reacted to his defeat with violence and intimidation: his thugs began killing opposition supporters, evicting white commercial farmers (whom he had invited to stay on and contribute
to the new Zimbabwe), and intimidating voters at
subsequent rigged elections.

In recent months, Mr. Mugabe has stepped up the
violence against opposition members and leaders in Zimbabwe - with the chilling development of Latin American-style hit squads that abduct and torture opposition supporters. On Friday, he quashed a challenge to his rule from within his own party. What can outside powers do to help ease out an 83-year-old leader who, after 27 years in power, would rather destroy his country than step down voluntarily?

Zimbabwe lacks the two exports necessary to interest the United States in direct intervention: oil and terrorism. International sanctions on Zimbabwe are now minuscule. We could ramp up "smart sanctions" against Mr. Mugabe and his coterie, for example by freezing their ill-gotten external assets, but any wider sanctions would probably only hurt those at the bottom of the food chain, not the elite kleptocracy.

Megaphone diplomacy tends to feed Mr. Mugabe's
portrayal of Western powers as shrill, hectoring,
imperialist bullies.

The real key to the Zimbabwe stalemate is to be found in South Africa, which has an economic choke hold on its landlocked northern neighbor. But thus far, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa has refused to do anything about Mr. Mugabe. His policy of "quiet diplomacy" has, in truth, been a silent one. And he has paid a high price for such tacit support of Mr. Mugabe, whose embarrassing exploits ensured that Mr. Mbeki's much-vaunted African Renaissance was
stillborn.

It has long been a political parlor game to figure out why Mr. Mbeki hasn't done more about Zimbabwe. He sometimes pays lip service to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of another sovereign state, but South Africa quickly sent its army into Lesotho in 1998 after a rigged election there. Part of Mr. Mbeki's reluctance to act may have to do with Mr. Mugabe's residual status as a liberation hero. But mostly, I believe, it stems from Mr. Mbeki's distaste for the Zimbabwean opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change and its main leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who used to head up the Zimbabwean trades union movement.

Therein lies the problem: Mr. Mbeki's ruling African
National Congress party is actually a troika, and one of its legs is the Congress of South African Trade Union, which is getting increasingly fractious. The group has strongly backed Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change, and if Mr. Tsvangirai were to come to power in Zimbabwe, it would greatly embolden the
South African union confederation, encouraging it to secede from the African National Congress and pose a challenge to Mr. Mbeki. Thus has Zimbabwe become a function of South African domestic politics.

In so far as diplomacy is the art of the possible,
Pretoria still provides us with the main fulcrum for
change. South Africa controls and has the power to obstruct transportation links, lines of credit and
electricity supplies, and it alone has the power and
regional clout to face down Mr. Mugabe.

Mr. Mbeki may soon be in a position to do more. In a woeful display of the inadequacies of pan-African
institutions, the 14 members of the South African
Development Community last week came out in support of Mr. Mugabe's dictatorship. But they nominated Mr. Mbeki to facilitate dialogue between Mr. Mugabe and his opposition.

The international community should make it clear to Mr. Mbeki that he, and the new South Africa, have a special moral obligation to help a nearby people who are oppressed and disenfranchised, having been assisted in its own struggle by just such pressure.
And that "quiet diplomacy" is nothing less than the
appeasement of a violent dictatorship. If President
Mbeki continues it, South Africa will squander the
good will of the world.
From the desk of Kim and James


 


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Zuma 'lectures' EU on Zimbabwe!

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=14&click_id=6&art_id=nw20070428091037787C676405
 
ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma is on a four-day visit to Brussels to meet with top European Union (EU) officials, SABC news reported on Saturday.

Zuma met with EU trade commissioner Peter Mandelson, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana and members of the European parliament.

Security in the Great Lakes region and Zimbabwe were among the topics of discussion.

Zuma urged the EU to be cautious in its approach to Zimbabwe.

"What contribution can be made by EU in helping the Zimbabwean issue to be resolved? And I've been saying we need to not do something that will actually make it difficult for those who are dealing with the issue, and not just shouting from a distance, to resolve the matter..."


South Africa and the EU were currently involved in negotiations on a future strategic partnership.

Zuma sought to reassure the EU about the current situation in South Africa, given the recent upheavals within the ANC which have raised concerns about the country's stability.

Zuma said he was invited to Brussels in his personal capacity. - Sapa


 


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Thursday 26 April 2007

HOW CAN WINNIE MANDELA BE SO LOST?

Winnie blasts 'MDC' protesters
Yolandi Groenewald
 
 
 
26 April 2007 07:44
The ANC's stormy Winnie Madikizela-Mandela infuriated the rural women who protested outside the World Congress of Rural Women in Durban this week by telling them "not to behave like the MDC in Zimbabwe".

According to Fatiema Shabodien, a protest leader from the Western Cape NGO Women on Farms, Madikizela-Mandela also told the women that their backers, or "colonial masters", were only interested in embarrassing the South African government and that they were being used.

The former ANC Women's League president arrived with a bevy of body-guards in a black S-Class Mercedes-Benz which moved through the police barricade and drew up beside the 600 women, who were singing and waving placards in protest against their alleged exclusion from the conference.

The bodyguards formed a circle around Madikizela-Mandela and the protest leaders as she tried to read the situation.

"Why are rural women protesting in front of their own conference?" she asked. "They should be in it." She promised to take up the matter with Land Affairs Minister Lulu Xingwana, who was attending the conference.

Shortly afterwards, an unknown delegate, identified as a traditional leader, invited nine provincial leaders from the demonstrators to hold talks with Madikizela-Mandela and Cabinet ministers including Xingwana and Minister of Minerals and Energy Buyelwa Sonjica, inside the conference hall.

But Shabodien said their hopes had been dashed. "It was extremely patronising," she said. "If we took a minister on, we were told to show respect. This is our government, but we were told if we were truly rural women, we would know to respect our elders."

Madikizela-Mandela had dressed down the leaders for allegedly embarrassing the authorities.

"They tried to force us to discredit the rural women's organisations officially represented at the meeting," added Shabodien.

After the encounter, 50 of the protesters were allowed to register for the conference.

Dressed in green, the mainly African women sang socialist songs while waving banners from their 14 different organisations, all linked to the left-wing social movement. In scenes reminiscent of anti-apartheid protests, they chanted amandla ngawethu (power is ours) and ululated when their leaders addressed them.

They cannot have escaped the notice of the 2 000 delegates from across the world.

The protesters had some support from the police. "They are the mothers of the world," said one officer who held a riot-control shield. "The organisers made a balls-up, we now have to patrol them instead of fighting crime."

Shabodien said the organisations had followed all official channels in seeking representation at the conference, including nominating their representatives and registering on-line, to no avail.

"The meeting would have been a great opportunity for different rural women to discuss their different needs, network and build a stronger rural women groups base," said Shabodien. "But, instead, it became a farce, because the government was too scared of us so-called radical voices."

The director general of agriculture, Masiphula Mbongwa, and the director general of land affairs, Glen Thomas, hotly denied that the women had been sidelined.

"The congress has been so popular that it was overbooked due to the importance of discussions that affects rural communities," they said in a statement, adding that they decided to hold a parallel congress to accommodate those who could not fit into the international convention centre.

"Civil society is a part of the Congress of Rural Women," the statement said. "The congress is an international congress that deals with matters pertaining to women across the globe. This means that it is not only concerned with South African issues."


 


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Wednesday 25 April 2007

MDC LEADERS RESPOND TO MBEKI'S LETTERS!

MDC leaders respond to Mbeki's letters

    April 25 2007 at 03:03PM
 
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=84&art_id=nw20070425145728989C539808
President Thabo Mbeki has received responses to letters he wrote to Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic Change leaders, Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad said.

Briefing reporters in Pretoria on Wednesday, he said the letters from MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara were being studied.

"On the basis of that we will work out a plan of action."

Pahad did not elaborate on the contents of the responses received.

Mbeki was appointed by the Southern African Development Community to facilitate trying to help resolve the political crisis in Zimbabwe.

His first step was to write letters to the MDC leaders, asking how the party saw the facilitation process unfold.

Mbeki earlier indicated the hoped his facilitation would smooth the way to holding free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe in 2008. - Sapa


 


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Tuesday 24 April 2007

BRITISH MP TO ADDRESS ZIMBOS AT VIGIL!

MP Kate Hoey to address Zimbabwe vigil in Bristol

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=2192&cat=1

 

  Kate Hoey meets  Toendepi Shonhe, a Zimbabwean activist injured after protesting in Harare
 
  Kate Hoey meets Toendepi Shonhe, a Zimbabwean activist injured after protesting in Harare  

By a Correspondent

BRISTOL-British Labour MP Kate Hoey will address activists and human rights campaigners in Bristol on Saturday 26 May protesting against the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe.
"We are glad to hear Kate will join us. She has been tremendous and one of the leading advocate on Zimbabwe issues both in Parliament and House of Commons and as Zimbabweans we're moved by her support," said BZA Chair Forward Maisokwadzo.
"Kate is action driven so we are pleased to have her on this historic day in Bristol. She pushes the pressure points on all ends including on Tony Blair to take a hard stance against South Africa's failure to condemn Zimbabwe," he said.
Mr Maisokwadzo also welcomed the spirit of solidarity shown by British trade union friends, Bristol Vigil team and ACTSA, the successor to the Anti-Apartheid Movement, which is campaigning hard against human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and the Bristol vigil team.
Ms Hoey, the MP for Vauxhall and Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Committee on Zimbabwe, secretly visited Zimbabwe in 2005 when President Robert Mugabe was bulldozing "illegal structures" in poor townships, a campaign that wrecked the homes or livelihoods of up to a million people. Her accounts of the suffering angered the regime.
The speakers will include Kat Stark Convenor of NUS, Alois Phiri, Free Zimbabwe Youth and ACTSA representatives. The event will take place at Bristol Hippodrome from 11-3pm.


 
 

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Monday 23 April 2007

MBEKI URGED NOT TO SEEK THIRD TERM!

Leon urges Mbeki to step aside as party head

    April 24 2007 at 04:36AM
By Angela Quintal
 


All democrats should urge President Thabo Mbeki not to serve as ANC president for a third term, as this would hurt the country, says outgoing Democratic Alliance (DA) leader Tony Leon.

Leon, who retires from his position next week, echoed the ANC Youth League and others, saying it would be "ruinous" for Mbeki to remain as ANC president, while his surrogate became president of the country in 2009.

"Such an anointed successor would become a puppet president, owing his or her position to Mbeki and answerable to him rather than the voters. And, if that president tries to be his own man or woman, the real prospect of two centres of national power would be ruinous indeed."


He has not ruled out a third term as party leader
Leon said it was incumbent on all South Africans who valued democracy to raise their voices and urge Mbeki to reconsider a third term as ANC president.

While Mbeki says he has no intention of amending the Constitution to serve a third term as South African president, he has not ruled out a third term as party leader.

The ANC in the Eastern Cape resolved last year to ask Mbeki to stand for a third term as ANC president, although the outcome of the provincial congress is the subject of an internal dispute.

Mbeki is due to visit the province later this week.

Leon again draw parallels between his own party's succession, which has been an open process, and the opaque tradition of the ANC.

'The drive to reappoint him is clearly in full gear'
The DA leader said that Mbeki was the only personality in the ANC whose name was officially on the ANC's succession agenda: "Mbeki has not commented either way; but the drive to reappoint him is clearly in full gear."

Leon said he did not want to meddle in another party's internal affairs, but not only the fate of the ANC was involved.

"The fate of our nation, and the prospects for the deepening of democracy, are at stake, too.

"It would be ruinous because turf wars would break out between these rival camps.

"Worst of all, Mbeki's staying would set a grim precedent: he would undo many of the positive achievements to date of his presidency, playing into the hands of Afro-pessimists, who denounce our continent's leaders for failing to leave office when their time has passed," Leon said.

In his reaction, ANC spokesperson Smuts Ngonyama said Leon was a master of political inconsistency.

He criticised Leon for calling on ANC members to ignore their party's constitution, which does not set a limit on the number of terms an elected office bearer can serve.

If Leon was truly interested in "deepening democracy", he would respect the right of members of the ANC to freely and democratically elect their own leadership, consistent with the principle of freedom of association, Ngonyama said.

"The ANC does not seek to patronise members of the DA by suggesting they subvert their own internal practices when it comes to electing leadership."

It was unfortunate that Leon did not accord ANC members that same respect, "calling on them to disregard what their own constitution says on the eligibility of members for election to party structures", he said.

    • This article was originally published on page 6 of Cape Times on April 24, 2007


 


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Sunday 22 April 2007

"MUGABE MUST NOT STAND!" SA OPPOSTION PARTY!

Stop Mugabe's 2008 election campaign - DA

    April 21 2007 at 04:22PM
 
 
President Thabo Mbeki's having written letters to both Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change was welcome news, the Democratic Alliance said on Saturday.

"Failure to do so (writing to both) would have suggested a partiality which is inappropriate in the person requested to mediate between the two sides," the party's Douglas Gibson said.

He said the people of Zimbabwe and the whole of the region was looking to Mbeki to achieve a breakthrough. The DA would back Mbeki's efforts.

"Firstly, in order to make a success of the policy that government has embarked upon, President Mbeki must first admit that Zanu-PF has become a dictatorship. Any one president who stays in power for 27 years is a dictator. Secondly, South Africa must insist that President Mugabe does not run in the 2008 elections."

Click here!

'President Mbeki must first admit that Zanu-PF has become a dictatorship'
Mbeki wrote to both parties laying out the scope of the work to be accomplished, the Zimbabwe Independent reported earlier in April.

- Sapa


 


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Friday 20 April 2007

POSITION PAPER PRESENTED TO HIS EXCELLENCY, CDE THABO MBEKI!

Towards a negotiated settlement
 In Zimbabwe:
 
A position paper prepared by the Peoples' Policy Committee (PPC) to His Excellency the President of the Republic of South Africa in his capacity as the mediator to the crises in Zimbabwe
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1. Introduction
 
Following the SADC extraordinary summit held in Tanzania on 28 March 2007, the People's Policy Committee (PPC) which is a network of Zimbabweans based in the UK, would like to put forward its preferred position as regards the proposed 'SADC Initiative'.  We begin with a tacit acceptance that Zimbabwe's crisis is an African problem requiring an African solution. The time has come for new, concrete proposals, promoted by African leaders and implemented by Zimbabweans from all political and ideological hues, to restore hope to Zimbabwe. On that note, PPC welcomes SADC's decision to appoint President Thabo Mbeki as the mediator to the actors in the protracted social conflict in Zimbabwe. It is hoped that his mediation shall tame the hydra of violence currently sweeping across the country and also usher in a new democratic dispensation. This position paper is premised on the assumption that His Excellency President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa is willing to consider submissions  from voices other than those stakeholders so far invited to attend the consultative meetings in South Africa. Given the extraordinary and grave conditions now obtaining in Zimbabwe and the significant population of Zimbabwean exiles living here in the UK some of whom are members of our pressure group on whose behalf we are acting, it would be remiss of us not to make appropriate representations to the SADC-initiated process. The major issues and expected minimum outcomes from the process are largely a common cause. Accordingly, we restrict our inputs to those matters the further resolution of which will, in our assessment and in  light of our country's chequered history, help create and deliver more enduring value, peace and national integration to all the people of Zimbabwe. In this context we would therefore have to address such issues as the aim of the negotiations, the creation of an enabling environment for genuine negotiations, the nature of the mechanisms for negotiation and therefore the question who would sit at the negotiating table, the cessation of human rights abuses, the possibility of the formation of a transitional government, the duration of the negotiations and the role of the international community in the negotiated resolution of the crises in Zimbabwe.
 
 
2. Multilateral negotiations
 
The People's Policy Committee (PPC) would like to submit to the mediator that the problem of Zimbabwe is so huge such that inter-party dialogue would be a limited an approach to it. It is hereby proposed that if any negotiations are to take place to end the hostilities and build durable peace and democracy in Zimbabwe, then those negotiations including the pre-negotiation agenda-setting phase should be all inclusive. It is the view of PPC that the mediator should extend the consultative informal talks to the members of the civil society, church, professional bodies and any other stakeholders who are keen to make such positive interventions in Zimbabwe. The perception that only the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU PF) party legitimately represent the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe and should therefore be engaged on the negotiations is incorrect. A case exists for an all-inclusive process comparable to that which ushered independence and democracy to South Africa in 1994. In the context of Zimbabwe, this would bring together the coalition of democratic forces currently operating under the Save Zimbabwe Campaign in addition to the ruling party and external observers from UN, AU and SADC. If the press reports emanating from Pretoria are anything to go by, PPC would unequivocally and unreservedly endorse the mediator's stance on insisting on a broad-based crisis resolution approach.
 
3.  Enabling Conditions for Negotiations
 
In consonant with other stakeholders, PPC strongly affirms the position that formal talks should  only take place after the government has repealed some repressive pieces of legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) as well as the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA).On that note, the government  should drop charges and release a legion of activists who are illegally being held in police cells on charges based on these unconstitutional laws. It is also the submission of PPC that the constitutional amendments that have been proposed by the ruling party should give way to the wholesale constitutional reform as enunciated in section 4 of this position paper. In furtherance of this constitutional condition, PPC would like to join many other voices including the 'Save Zimbabwe Campaign' in calling for the new constitution before the next presidential and parliamentary elections. As a matter of urgency the state should renounce violence on its citizens, stop abductions of activists and opposition members as well as refrain police brutality against innocent citizens. It is the considered view of the PPC that the EU should not lift the targeted sanctions on the ruling elite until the formal negotiations are underway and the government has demonstrated fully its commitment to allow a democratic transition process to take place in the country. PPC would also like to challenge the international community to enable all the actors, large and small with resources for them to participate fully at levels of the crisis resolution process.
 
 
4. A New Democratic Constitution
 
The position of the PPC is that the genealogy of the current problems in Zimbabwe is traceable to the National Constitution. Any diagnosis and prescription to the crisis which preclude the constitution is flawed and therefore irrelevant. The Lancaster House constitution was not cast on stone. Indeed it had been the expectation that in time, a new home grown supreme law of the land would be enacted by the people of Zimbabwe themselves in order to satisfy their local needs and realize their national aspirations. This is not the same thing as the piecemeal re-branding of the same document undertaken by the incumbent government over the years to satisfy its narrow partisan interests of keeping power at all costs. That there are serious limitations and flaws in the current Lancaster House Constitution and that these have given rise to issues of governance is widely accepted.  More compelling however is the fact that this constitution has resulted in a highly centralised unitary system of government which we submit is unsuitable for a future democratic Zimbabwe. That the incumbent government has manipulated the constitution to entrench itself and the interests of its constituents is accepted but this is only a symptom of a problem arising from use of an inappropriate constitutional model coupled with individual greed and propensity for excesses. Re-branding of the existing constitution in the hope that a new government emerging from next year's elections would act in good faith and achieve enduring national integration is too large a risk to take now bearing in mind the genocide and trauma suffered by minority ethnic groups particularly the Ndebele in south western Zimbabwe from 1982 – 1987, the so called 'Operation Clean Up' which left 700 000 people homeless and the so called Chimurenga 3 which crushed the agriculture sector. It is for these reasons that PPC advocates for the mediator to help the various actors in Zimbabwe to constitute an 'All Stakeholders Convention' (ASC) to work out a new constitutional framework that shall usher in a new democratic order in the country. Participatory constitution making is today a fact of constitutional life as well as a good in itself. A democratic constitution-making process is critical to the strength, acceptability, and legitimacy of the new era in Zimbabwe.Inorder to avoid the recurrence of the current problems in the future PPC strongly advocates for a people driven constitution which shall take into account the histories, cultures, grievances and aspirations of all its citizens. In our view, it is only through effective decentralization of authority to autonomous regions/provinces in so doing creating self-perpetuating institutions such as those that would emerge under our recommended union constitutional blueprint, would human rights and equality of all Zimbabweans be adequately protected and entrenched. Experience in new democracies and old, demonstrates that if human rights are not adequately protected initially, it will be difficult to do so later.
 
  • We further recommend that the president's term of office be limited to a maximum of two five year terms
 
  • Ministers appointed under the new constitution should be subject to confirmation by parliament both at central and provincial governments' level.
 
 
  • The judiciary must be an independent branch of government and not be under the Ministry of Justice. The judiciary should control its financial and administrative affairs free from executive involvement, though necessarily subject to parliament's ultimate control over the budget.
 
  • The agreed constitution should be subjected to approval by the people through a referendum supervised by SADC and the African Union and observed by the international community.
 
 
  • The agreed constitution should be subject to review by an expert commission at ten year intervals.
 
  •  The new Constitution must provide representative, accountable and multiparty government; respect for the rule of law; and the promotion of the fundamental human rights of all Zimbabweans.
 
 
 
5. Transitional Processes
 
PPC would like to propose the following sequence as a roadmap towards the resolution of the crises in Zimbabwe:
 
Prenegotiation Phase: - The mediator to consult the actors across the spectrum in order to set the agenda for the formal negotiations. These consultations can take the form of secret talks as already been happening but they should as a matter of principle be open to all stakeholder in Zimbabwe. The Prenegotiations are viewed by PPC as meant for bridging the chasm that lie across the various actors; the outcome of these meetings should be made known to the public at the appropriate time.
 
 
All Stakeholders Convention (ASC):- An All Stakeholders Convention composed  of civil society, political parties, media , faith-based organisations, women , youths and student movements as well as all sectors of society  that are willing to contribute to this process should be constituted. The ASC should be organised into working groups so as to deal conclusively with all the critical issues in the crisis. PPC would like to propose the following working groups; (a) constitutional reform (b) land reform (c)  electoral reform  (d) truth recovery (e) economic recovery. The working groups would report to ASC for debate and approval  The talks should lead to a power-sharing agreement on a transitional government, including opposition and civil society in key government posts, a new constitution, demilitarisation of state institutions, a new voters roll, a program of administrative and legislative reform guaranteeing genuinely free and fair elections on an agreed schedule and emergency economic recovery measures that could lead to full resumption of external financial support  after elections. The stakeholders should agree on the composition and establishment of an interim authority to oversee the country's transition to democracy.
 
 
Dissolution of Parliament: - Incumbent president's departure from office when his term expires in March 2008 followed by the takeover by an interim government. An interim government would take responsibility for the basic administrative functions of the state until a new government is elected later in the process. Constitutional amendments such as are required to facilitate the creation of an interim government should be passed by the current parliament in the spirit of the SADC-led Initiative.  As the process of normalising the constitutional and political situation develops, the international community should withdraw the targeted sanctions and other restrictions applying to the Zimbabwean government and initiate steps to assist in restoring democratic order and economic recovery in Zimbabwe.
 
Interim Government: - The All Stakeholders Convention should establish a transitional government, which should include the members of the opposition, civil society and the ruling party and provide for a rotating transitional presidency.
 The mandate of the Interim government should include the following among others:
q              organisation of a referendum for a new constitution and drawing up of a new voters roll; and
 
q              Implementation of the transitional  articles of the new constitution
 
q              Professionalisation of security and uniformed forces
 
q              Repatriation of Zimbabwean community in the diaspora
 
 The international community should be available to provide assistance to this process when required by the Zimbabwean negotiators. PPC would recommend that the African Union Force be deployed to give protection to the Interim Government.
 
Elections:- Following the ratification of the new Constitution, preparations should begin for new elections to be held no later than the end of 2008.The elections should be held under a new democratic constitution. The new constitution should provide for an Independent Delimitation Commission, 'Independent Electoral Commission', Media and Information Commission as well as the Security and Defense Commission all of which should be constituted in time to run both the Referendum and the Presidential/parliamentary elections. These elections should be based on the SADC principles and standards of holding democratic, free and fair elections. In that regard, the current electoral laws should be amended to meet the SADC principles and standards. The electoral reforms should also provide for the diasporans vote. An estimated 4 million Zimbabwean adults now live in exile outside Zimbabwe and have been disenfranchised by the incumbent government. PPC recommends that suitable arrangements be made to restore in full the voting rights of this community in time for the referendum as well as the parliamentary and presidential elections. International observers should be present to monitor the elections, to oversee the transition from the interim government to the new elected government, and to ensure that the elections are free and fair.
 
 
6. Truth recovery process
 
PPC would like to put it forward to the mediator that, for the purposes of building sustainable democracy in a failed state such as Zimbabwe, there is a need for a truth recovery process. While accepting the genuine doubts and fears around the issue of 'Truth', it is clear that many victims and survivors of the crises in Zimbabwe believe that some formal collective examination and acknowledgement of the past is necessary for them to find closure. The idea of truth recovery processes is based on the concept of 'transition', from crisis to peace or from one government to another. At its most basic, a truth process is meant to mark the end of one difficult era and the beginning of a new and better one. It is completely unacceptable, disrespectful and insensitive for any political leader to arrogate or appropriate to himself/herself the right to grant pardon to individuals that sponsored and committed human rights atrocities and state sponsored terrorism since independence in 1980. With or without a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, only the people of Zimbabwe can determine whether or not to take legal action against those who committed crimes against humanity and genocide against defenseless citizens. We would caution that this is a highly delicate matter which if not handled sensibly, could trigger conflict and war in future. The political leadership should honestly and publicly acknowledge responsibility for past political violence due to their acts of omission and commission. This would be seen as the first and necessary step having the potentiality of a larger process of truth recovery. When acknowledgement is forthcoming, we recommend that measured, inclusive and in-depth consideration be given to establishing an appropriate and unique truth recovery process. For this to develop, a team with local and international expertise should be established using a fair and transparent method to explore the specific feasibility of such a process.
 
 
 
 
 
The specific purpose of a truth recovery process:
 
  • Promote reconciliation, peace and healing; and to reduce tensions resulting from past violence;

  • Clarify and acknowledge as much unresolved truth about the past as possible;
    Respond to the needs and interests of victims;

  • Contribute to justice in a broad sense, ensure accountability and responsibility for past actions from organisations and institutions, as well as potentially from individuals;

  • Identify the responsibilities of the State, of military and police, and of other institutions and organisations for the violence of the past; and to make recommendations for change that will reduce the likelihood of future conflict.
 
The truth recovery process can take the form any of the following:
 
Truth and Justice Commission
Historical Clarification Commission 
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
 
7. Reconstruction
 
The new government would face the daunting challenge of entrenching democracy and peace, rebuilding the battered economy and resuscitating collapsed social services. The negotiations should thus, come up with an economic recovery framework. The economic reconstruction is crucial to restoring order and providing social security for the generality of the population. Without it, the negotiated settlement will be meaningless to the general public. PPC would like to recommend the implementation of an emergency economic recovery plan to curb inflation, restore donor and foreign investor confidence and boost mining and agricultural production, including establishment of a Land Commission with a strong technocratic base and wide representation of Zimbabwean stakeholders to recommend policies aimed at ending the land crisis. To this end PPC would like the negotiators to engage with the Brettonwoods institutions at various levels of the negotiation process inorder to build the confidence for their engagement in the reconstruction phase of this conflict resolution process.
 
 
 
10. Conclusion
In lieu of conclusion, PPC would like to ask the mediator to invest in its belief because it is made in good faith for the benefit of present and future generations of Zimbabwe. We further recommend that you take into account views from a broad cross section of Zimbabweans both individuals and groups. We highly value and appreciate the leading role that the SADC and the South African government are playing in trying to reach a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe, and hope that this will continue under the form of an All Stakeholders Convention (ASC) to establish a constitutional order. Should the government of Zimbabwe maintain its strategy of terror, human rights abuses, violation of democratic principles, and their disrespect of the rule of law by violently repressing popular pressure for a democratic constitution, free and fair elections, we challenge the SADC, AU, and all other international institutions to completely isolate it. When all is said and done, we recognise that history does not offer a nation many such moments as one that our beloved Zimbabwe now has to rediscover its identity and sovereignty by among other things writing a new people driven constitution.
We thank you for this opportunity.
 
[1]PPC/DOC/14/04/07
 
 
 


[1] The Peoples 'Policy Committee (PPC) is a network of Zimbabweans based in the UK. It is a non –governmental and non partisan net work of individuals and organisations whose core business is to influence public opinion towards the resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe.
 
Contact Details
 PPC
 The People's Policy Committee
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TEL 00442080904153/00442084912228
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peoplespolicycommittee@yahoo.com
 


 


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